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Try out PMC Labs and tell us what you think. Learn More. Hispanics desired rapid transitions at a young age, and Southeast Asians desired more gradual transitions at an older age. Blacks perceived the greatest likelihood of nonmarital childbearing for themselves, the longest normative interval between first sex and first birth, but they desired the shortest interval between first marriage and first birth.
The scheduling of life course events is relatively well defined in modern society. Although most individuals ultimately decide when to marry and when to begin childbearing, they are undoubtedly influenced by the socially prescribed norms for such transitions. For example, the different sexual, marital, and fertility patterns of Blacks and Whites have been well documented. These patterns coincide with the normative beliefs reported by White and Asian hispanic lady for marriage adolescents.
Bureau of the Census, There are several reasons to expect that these ethnic groups would have similar perceived norms of role timing. Despite these similar cultural emphases, however, patterns of teenage nonmarital childbearing are quite different in the two groups. The teenage birthrate of all Hispanic subgroups is three times higher than that of Southeast Asians births per 1, women and 34 births per 1, women, respectivelyand Hispanics have a 2. What could explain this paradox? Do Hispanics and Southeast Asians have corresponding differences in their role-timing norms and expectations? Do these relations hold for other racial groups, such as Blacks and Whites?
The current study tried to determine the extent to which early adolescent girls of different ethnic and racial backgrounds perceive norms for the role timing and role sequencing of particular life course events and how various socioeconomic and aspirational factors might be linked with these role-timing norms and expectations.
Mexican Americans and Southeast Asian Americans, in addition to sharing attitudes that support traditional family values, have similar socioeconomic profiles. Both populations are characterized by low educational attainment, high unemployment, and a high incidence of poverty, especially compared with Whites U. Bureau of the Census, ab. However, these two ethnic groups have quite disparate histories in the U. Southeast Asian immigration to the U. Bureau of the Census, bc. Many Mexican immigrants have circular migration patterns between the U.
In contrast, Southeast Asian immigrants are largely political refugees who were forced to flee their war-torn countries, and many experienced culture shock when they arrived in the U. Thus, although these two ethnic groups share a few specific cultural and socioeconomic characteristics, they have quite disparate migration histories and patterns of cultural assimilation.
Immigrant status appears to be a ificant protective factor against early nonmarital birth. Among Mexican Americans, recent trends show that teenage childbearing is more than twice as common among U. Thus, as individuals assimilate, they appear to acquire values, attitudes, and behaviors of the host country Szapocznik,which in this case translate into earlier sexual behavior and higher rates of nonmarital teenage births.
It remains to be seen whether the nonmarital and teenage birthrates will increase among second generation U. Because of the relatively recent inclusion of Hispanics and, especially, Southeast Asians in social science research, less is known about the factors that contribute to early role timing in these groups, but for Blacks and Whites, early and non-marital childbearing have long been associated with a host of social, economic, and family structure variables Alan Guttmacher Institute, ; Hayes, ; Miller, John, Thus, one would expect that girls who place little importance on or perceive little likelihood of achieving educational or work-related goals would choose sexual activity and childbearing relatively early in the life course, and those who value school and career goals would choose to deliberately postpone sex and childbearing.
The best-age items have been used in research e. reveal how family background characteristics, immigrant status, and future aspirations of the girls might be differentially linked with specific norms of role sequencing for girls of each race and ethnicity. Each respondent completed a face-to-face interview about basic demographic information e. All the girls spoke English. The racial and ethnic groups that are the focus of this study are Hispanic, Black, White, and Southeast Asian. Although we did not individually solicit the various types of Hispanic origin e. The specific country of origin of the Southeast Asian students also was not specifically solicited, but school data show that approximately half of all Southeast Asian students are Vietnamese, one quarter are Laotian, and one quarter are Cambodian.
All participants were asked their place of birth. When analyzed by racial or ethnic group, the following percentages were born in the U. Thus, except for Southeast Asians, most were born in the U. Six percent of both Whites and Blacks were unsure of their country of origin; they were not foreign born. The girls also were asked in the interview how many years they had lived in the U. If the respondent had lived in the U.
Most respondents were from economically disadvantaged families. Respondents were recruited by sending a letter Asian hispanic lady for marriage all parents of girls attending the four study schools. All respondents completed a self-administered questionnaire about their role-timing desires and norms and their school and job aspirations. Additionally, their mothers completed a short questionnaire about their educational attainment, the total annual family income for the past year, whether the family had ever received AFDC, and whether they were currently receiving AFDC.
Mothers also gave information about their current marital status, their age at first marriage, and their age at first birth. The following items make up the scales that the early adolescent female participants completed. Response options ranged from 1 13—15 years to 9 41 years or older ; each option except 9 encompassed 3 years e. They also indicated if they had ever had voluntary sexual intercourse with a male. Response options were yes or no, coded respectively 1 or 0. If someone tried to get you Asian hispanic lady for marriage have sex with him, what would you do?
How sure are you that you are ready to have sex? Would you date someone who tried to get you to have sex with him? High scores indicated positive intention for sexual activity. Olsen et al. Response options ranged from 1 not important or very unlikely to 4 very important or very likely.
High scores reflected strong importance placed on school and job achievements and a high likelihood of achieving those goals. A factor analysis computed on these items indicated a one-factor solution, with all items having a component loading greater than. The students were instructed to be quiet and not to discuss their responses with each other during or after the testing session. While participants completed the questionnaires, girls were called by one of the survey administrators and asked to complete the interview. They completed the questionnaire in about 1 hour and the interview in less than 5 minutes.
All questionnaires and interviews were coded using only an identificationand all participants were assured of the confidentiality of their responses. Girls whose mothers participated did not differ from girls whose mothers did not participate on such characteristics as age, grade in school, family size, religion, or sexual status. Prior to evaluating the main questions of this study, we wished to determine whether girls of each racial and ethnic group were comparable in age.
See Table 1.
Current and ever use of AFCD were coded as 0 to indicate no use and 1 to indicate current or use. Note: Means with the same letter superscript are ificantly different. These indicated that Southeast Asian mothers reported the lowest family incomes, and Black mothers reported the highest current use and ever use of AFDC and were more likely to be single parents. Hispanic mothers reported the lowest educational attainment and the youngest age at first marriage.
Black mothers were youngest at first birth, and apparently many had their first birth premaritally. Among foreign-born participants, Southeast Asians reported residing longer in the U. These analyses indicate whether girls of different race and ethnicity differ in their future aspirations and perceived role timing, independent of their different socioeconomic backgrounds.
In order to minimize case mortality due to missing data, all missing mother-rated socio-economic data were ased the mean of that racial or ethnic group for that variable. The scores for the desire to marry were receded to reflect no 0unsure 1and yes 2 so that these scores could be included in the MANCOVA. For example, a mean score of 2. The mean age scores presented in Table 1 are shown only to aid in the interpretation of. Several patterns are of note in these. Hispanics perceived the youngest desired age for marriage, the youngest desired age for first birth, and the youngest best age for first birth.
Blacks, however, perceived the youngest best age for first intercourse but the oldest desired age for marriage. Southeast Asians perceived the oldest best age for first intercourse and for first birth, and the oldest desired age for first birth.
Whites fell consistently in the middle, generally reporting older ages than Hispanics and Blacks but younger ages than Southeast Asians. Looking at the time interval between best age for first intercourse and best age for first birth, we found that Black participants perceived as best the longest interval between these two events, but had the shortest period between desired age at marriage and desired age at first birth—due, in part, to a very late desired age for marriage. Southeast Asian girls, however, desired the longest Asian hispanic lady for marriage of marriage before giving birth.
Blacks perceived marriage as least important for childbearing, and they perceived the greatest likelihood that they would have a nonmarital birth. They were ificantly more likely than other girls to already have had sexual intercourse. Southeast Asians were least desirous to have children and least intent on having sexual intercourse in the near future.
Or, conversely, might show that optimistic school and job aspirations—even in the context of a disadvantaged socioeconomic background—are predictive of low intentions for adolescent sexual behavior and nonmarital childbearing. All models were computed separately within race to examine whether the determinants for each outcome varied for girls of different race and ethnicity.
Current use of AFDC was not included because ever use of AFDC was more encompassing than current use and because we wished to reduce the of predictors for each equation. Single-mother household was coded as 1 yes or 0 no. Note: Dashes indicate that that variable was not entered into the equation. See text for coding of predictors. For Hispanics born in the U. were quite different for girls of each race and ethnicity.
Although being born in the U. Even less is known about the sexual, marital, and birth expectations of Southeast Asian American girls. It also was important to analyze how immigrant status and length of time living in the U. In general, Hispanics desired early and rapid transitions, and Southeast Asians desired Asian hispanic lady for marriage and more gradual transitions. Blacks perceived the greatest likelihood of non-marital childbearing for themselves, the longest normative interval between first sex and first birth, but the shortest desired interval between first marriage and first birth.
Asian hispanic lady for marriage Asian girls were least desirous of having children and perceived the lowest likelihood of having sexual relations during adolescence and of having a non-marital birth, although there was a nativity effect for the latter variable.
These suggest that girls of different races and ethnicities are likely exposed to and evidently react to different socialized expectations of the timing of events associated with the transition to adulthood. Moreover, these cultural norms apparently exist independent of the varying social and economic circumstances in which girls of different racial and ethnic backgrounds live. The young women in the sample also perceive different values and opportunities for continuing their education, getting a good job, getting married, and having children—differences that were not attributable to their particular socioeconomic or family context.
For example and consistent with historical trends, indicated that Black participants seem particularly vulnerable to early sexual activity and nonmarital childbearing, predispositions derived neither from their socioeconomic status, nor their family background. Thus, culture-specific age norms appear to be important for how these individuals progress through the life course, a progression that some would argue culminates in a more adaptive life course strategy Burton,; Geronimus, Although none of the participants has experienced marriage or childbearing yet and relatively few have experienced sexual intercourse, girls of different race and ethnicity are seeing their life course unfold in different sequences, based on different timetables.
It appears, then, that a strong school-job orientation might act as a protective factor against early, non-marital sexual behavior and childbearing, even within the context of socioeconomic disadvantage e. This trend was not evident, however, among Hispanic girls. For these youth, the prospects of an advanced education and a stable job were unrelated to intended sexual behavior or nonmarital childbearing.
It is perhaps not coincidental that Hispanic girls were most pessimistic about their futures, desired to take on marital and parenting roles at the youngest ages, and had mothers with the least education and who were youngest at marriage. This pattern suggests that Mexican American girls—unlike girls from the other racial and ethnic groups—are being socialized for marriage and childrearing to the exclusion of work-related or school-related roles cf.
Such optimistic aspirations were linked with delaying intended sexual activity, delaying age at desired childbearing, and low intentions of a non-marital birth.
In this study, Hispanics born in the U. Moreover, as the length of time that Hispanics born in Mexico lived in the U. These findings suggest that as Mexican Americans assimilate into U.Asian hispanic lady for marriage
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